="http://www.w3.org/2000/svg" viewBox="0 0 512 512">

Chapter 3: Culture

3.2 The Elements of Culture

Culture was defined earlier as the symbols, language, beliefs, values, norms and artifacts that are part of any society. There are two broad categories of culture into which each of these parts of culture fall. The first category, , involves parts of culture associated with thoughts, ideas and behaviors. As such, cultural values, beliefs, symbols, language and norms fall into this category. The second category, called , includes all the society’s physical objects, or , such as its tools and technology, clothing, eating utensils, and means of transportation. Each of these parts of culture are discussed below.


Every culture is filled with symbols, or things that stand for something else and that often evoke various reactions and emotions. Some symbols are actually types of nonverbal communication, while other symbols are in fact material objects. As the symbolic interactionist perspective emphasizes, shared symbols make social interaction possible.

Let’s look at nonverbal symbols first. A common one is shaking hands, which is done in some societies but not in others. It commonly conveys friendship and is used as a sign of both greeting and departure. Probably all societies have nonverbal symbols we call gestures, movements of the hands, arms, or other parts of the body that are meant to convey certain ideas or emotions. However, the same gesture can mean one thing in one society and something quite different in another society (Axtell, 1998). In the United States, for example, if we nod our head up and down, we mean yes, and if we shake it back and forth, we mean no. In Bulgaria, however, nodding means no, while shaking our head back and forth means yes! “Thumbs up” in the United States means “great” or “wonderful,” but in Australia it means the same thing as extending the middle finger in the United States. Certain parts of the Middle East and Asia would be offended if they saw you using your left hand to eat, because they use their left hand for bathroom hygiene.

Photo of group of boys showing peace sign and thumbs up.

This group of Cambodian boys are flashing the thumbs-up and peace signs, symbols which have different meanings from one culture to the next. Image by igorovsyannykov from Pixabay.

Some of our most important symbols are objects. Here the U.S. flag is a prime example. For most Americans, the flag is not just a piece of cloth with red and white stripes and white stars against a field of blue. Instead, it is a symbol of freedom, democracy, and other American values and, accordingly, inspires pride and patriotism. During the Vietnam War, however, the flag became to many Americans a symbol of war and imperialism. Some burned the flag in protest, prompting angry attacks by bystanders and negative coverage by the news media.

Other objects have symbolic value for religious reasons. Three of the most familiar religious symbols in many nations are the cross, the Star of David, and the crescent moon, which are widely understood to represent Christianity, Judaism, and Islam, respectively. Whereas many cultures attach no religious significance to these shapes, for many people across the world they evoke very strong feelings of religious faith. Recognizing this, hate groups have often desecrated these symbols.

As these examples indicate, shared symbols, both nonverbal communication and tangible objects, are an important part of any culture but also can lead to misunderstandings and even hostility. These problems underscore the significance of symbols for social interaction and meaning.


Perhaps our most important set of symbols is language. In English, the word chair means something we sit on. In Spanish, the word silla means the same thing. As long as we agree on how to interpret these words, a shared language and thus society are possible. By the same token, differences in languages can make it quite difficult to communicate. For example, imagine you are in a foreign country where you do not know the language and the country’s citizens do not know yours. Worse yet, you forgot to bring your dictionary that translates their language into yours, and vice versa, and your cell phone battery has died. You become lost. How will you get help? What will you do? Is there any way to communicate your plight?

Photo of group of three children.

Language is a key symbol of any culture. Humans have a capacity for language that no other animal species has. Children learn the language of their society just like other aspects of their culture. Bill Benzon – IMGP3639 – talk – CC BY-SA 2.0.

As this scenario suggests, language is crucial to communication and thus to any society’s culture. Children learn language from their culture just as they learn about shaking hands, about gestures, and about the significance of the flag and other symbols. Humans have a capacity for language that no other animal species possesses. Our capacity for language in turn helps make our complex culture possible.

In the United States, some people consider a common language so important that they advocate making English the official language of certain cities or states or even the whole country and banning bilingual education in the public schools (Ray, 2007). Critics acknowledge the importance of English but allege that this movement incites anti-immigrant prejudice and would help destroy ethnic subcultures. In 2009, voters in Nashville, Tennessee, rejected a proposal that would have made English the city’s official language and required all city workers to speak in English rather than their native language (R. Brown, 2009).

Applying the Theoretical Perspectives

Compare and contrast how functionalists, conflict theorists and symbolic interactionists would view the debate over establishing English as the official language of the U.S.

Language, of course, can be spoken or written. One of the most important developments in the evolution of society was the creation of written language. Some of the preindustrial societies that anthropologists have studied have written language, while others do not, and in the remaining societies the “written” language consists mainly of pictures, not words. Figure 3.1 “The Presence of Written Language (Percentage of Societies)” illustrates this variation with data from 186 preindustrial societies. The data set, called the Standard Cross-Cultural Sample (SCCS), was created by anthropologist George Murdock and colleagues from information that had been gathered on hundreds of preindustrial societies around the world (Murdock & White, 1969). In Figure 3.1 “The Presence of Written Language (Percentage of Societies)”, we see that only about one-fourth of the SCCS societies have a written language, while about equal proportions have no language at all or only pictures.

Figure 3.1 The Presence of Written Language (Percentage of Societies)


Source: Data from Standard Cross-Cultural Sample.

Even though we take written language for granted in industrial and post-industrial societies, Figure 3.1 shows us that written language prior to industrialization was relatively uncommon. In industrial and post-industrial societies, we not only find that written language is pervasive, we also find numerous languages present, which was alluded to in our discussion earlier of the English-only movement in the U.S. The acceptable use of one or more languages compared to others is a good example of how the dominant ideology works. The is the behaviors and ideas within a society deemed to be legitimate; any behaviors and ideas besides these are typically deemed illegitimate or not accepted. Additionally, the behaviors and ideas of the more powerful social groups are the behaviors and ideas that are legitimized. The dominant ideology changes over time of course but one always exists.

Language is not only part of the dominant ideology, but it is also said to shape how we think and how we perceive the social and physical worlds. The famous but controversial Sapir-Whorf hypothesis, named after two linguistic anthropologists, Edward Sapir and Benjamin Lee Whorf, argues that people cannot easily understand concepts and objects unless their language contains words for these items (Whorf, 1956). Language thus influences how we understand the world around us. For example, people in a country such as the United States that has many terms for different types of kisses (e.g. buss, peck, smack, smooch, and soul) are better able to appreciate these different types than people in a country such as Japan, which, as we saw earlier, only fairly recently developed the word kissu for kiss.

Another illustration of the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis is seen in sexist language, in which the use of male nouns and pronouns shapes how we think about the world (Miles, 2008). In older children’s books, words like fireman and mailman are common, along with pictures of men in these jobs, and critics say they send a message to children that these are male jobs, not female jobs. If a teacher tells a second-grade class, “Every student should put his books under his desk,” the teacher obviously means students of both sexes but may be sending a subtle message that boys matter more than girls. For these reasons, several guidebooks promote the use of nonsexist language (Maggio, 1998). Table 3.1 “Examples of Sexist Terms and Nonsexist Alternatives” provides examples of sexist language and nonsexist alternatives.

Table 3.1 Examples of Sexist Terms and Nonsexist Alternatives




Businessperson, executive


Fire fighter


Chair, chairperson


Police officer


Letter carrier, postal worker


Humankind, people


Artificial, synthetic



He (as generic pronoun)

He or she; he/she; s/he;they/their

The use of racist language also illustrates the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis. An old saying goes, “Sticks and stones may break my bones, but names will never hurt me.” That may be true in theory but not in reality. Names can hurt, especially names that are racial slurs. According to the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis, the use of racial slurs affect how members of the dominant group perceive minorities. More generally, the use of racist terms may reinforce racial prejudice and racial stereotypes. As discussed above, the dominant ideology of a culture supports the legitimacy of some behaviors and ideas of a society over others. Racist and sexist language reinforce the existing social structure and, while this can and does change, it causes discrimination which in turn maintains the exploitation of less powerful social groups. An example is presented below. Watch the following short video, read the information in the “What Do You Think” box and consider the information within the context of the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis.

What Do You Think?

The controversy associated with the use of sport team names, mascots, sacred symbols, caricatures, and even racial slurs associated with American Indians is not new. Some of the most offensive team names and mascots were adopted in the early 20th century when brutal U.S. government social policies, aimed at terminating tribes and extinguishing American Indian cultures, were still in effect. The early 20th century was also an era when the use of racist language and imagery to depict racial-ethnic minority group members was socially acceptable. While there has always been resistance in Indian Country and beyond to these dehumanizing practices, according to the National Congress of American Indians, the Civil Rights Act of 1965 catalyzed their organized effort to combat the use of stereotypes of Native peoples in popular culture, media, and sports. (2020)

Arguments in favor of these types of mascots and names claim that the imagery is meant to acknowledge positive aspects of American Indian culture and to inspire pride, as they represent warriors, chiefs, bravery, etc. On the other hand, people who oppose their use, argue that — aside from the obvious negative effects of using blatantly racist slurs — the use of stereotypes and caricatures dehumanize American Indians and encourage continued prejudice and discrimination.

What do you think?

Want to learn more? https://www.ncai.org/proudtobe

Beliefs and Values

In addition to symbols and language, nonmaterial culture also includes beliefs, values and norms. are ideas or convictions that people hold to be true, and are typically rooted in science, mythology, folklore or religion (i.e., belief in evolutionary theory from science or belief in the creation myth from religion), while involve judgments of what is good or bad and desirable or undesirable. Values are critical for transmitting and teaching the beliefs of a culture. To illustrate the relationship between beliefs and values, consider that Americans commonly believe in the American Dream—that anyone who works hard enough will be successful and wealthy. Underlying and reinforcing this belief is the American value that wealth is good and desirable (Griffiths, et. al., 2015).

Not only are beliefs and values interrelated, but a culture’s values also shape its norms (standards or expectations of behavior). In Japan, for example, a central value is group harmony. The Japanese place great emphasis on harmonious social relationships and dislike interpersonal conflict. Individuals are fairly unassertive by American standards, lest they be perceived as trying to force their will on others (Schneider & Silverman, 2010). When interpersonal disputes do arise, Japanese do their best to minimize conflict by trying to resolve the disputes amicably. Lawsuits are thus uncommon; in one case involving disease and death from a mercury-polluted river, some Japanese who dared to sue the company responsible for the mercury poisoning were considered bad citizens (Upham, 1976).

Individualism in the United States

In the United States, of course, the situation is quite different. American culture extols the rights of the individual and promotes competition in the business and sports worlds and in other areas of life. Lawsuits over the most frivolous of issues are quite common and even expected. Phrases like “Look out for number one!” abound. If the Japanese value harmony and group feeling, Americans value competition and individualism. Because the Japanese value harmony, their norms frown upon self-assertion in interpersonal relationships and upon lawsuits to correct perceived wrongs. Because Americans value and even thrive on competition, our norms promote assertion in relationships and certainly promote the use of the law to address all kinds of problems.

Photo of an empty courtroom

American culture promotes competition and an emphasis on winning in the sports and business worlds and in other spheres of life. Accordingly, lawsuits over frivolous reasons are common and even expected. Clyde Robinson – Courtroom – CC BY 2.0.

Figure 3.2 “Percentage of People Who Think Competition Is Good” illustrates this difference between the two nations’ cultures with data from the 2017-2020 World Values Survey (WVS7), which was administered to random samples of the adult populations of more than 80 nations around the world. One question asked in these nations was, “On a scale of one (‘competition is good; it stimulates people to work hard and develop new ideas’) to ten (‘competition is harmful; it brings out the worst in people’), please indicate your views on competition.” Figure 3.2 “Percentage of People Who Think Competition Is Good” shows the percentages of Americans and Japanese who responded with a “one” to this question, indicating they think competition is very beneficial. Americans are more than six times as likely as Japanese to favor competition.

Figure 3.2 Percentage of People Who Think Competition Is Good


Source: Data from World Values Survey, 2017-2020.

The Japanese value system is a bit of an anomaly, as Japan is a post-industrial nation with very traditional ideals. Its emphasis on group harmony and community is more usually associated with pre-industrial societies, while the U.S. emphasis on individuality is more usually associated with industrial and post-industrial cultures. Anthropologist David Maybury-Lewis (1998, p. 8) describes this difference as follows: “The heart of the difference between the modern world and the traditional one is that in traditional societies people are a valuable resource and the interrelations between them are carefully tended; in modern society things are the valuables and people are all too often treated as disposable.” In contemporary societies, continues Maybury-Lewis, individualism and the rights of the individual are celebrated and any one person’s obligations to the larger community are weakened. Individual achievement becomes more important than values such as kindness, compassion, and generosity.

Other scholars take a less bleak view of industrial and postindustrial societies, where they say the spirit of community still lives even as individualism is extolled (Bellah, Madsen, Sullivan, Swidler, & Tipton, 1985). In American society, these two simultaneous values sometimes create tension. In Appalachia, for example, people view themselves as rugged individuals who want to control their own fate. At the same time, they have strong ties to families, relatives, and their neighbors. Thus their sense of independence conflicts with their need for dependence on others (Erikson, 1976).

The Work Ethic

Another important value in American culture is the work ethic. By the 19th century, Americans had come to view hard work not just as something that had to be done but as something that was morally good to do (Gini, 2000). The commitment to the work ethic remains strong today: in the 2018 General Social Survey, 71% of Americans said they would continue to work even if they got enough money to live as comfortably for the rest of their lives.

Cross-cultural evidence supports the importance of the work ethic in the United States. Using earlier data from the World Values Survey, Figure 3.3 “Percentage of People Who Take a Great Deal of Pride in Their Work” presents the percentage of people in United States and three other nations from different parts of the world—Mexico, Poland, and Japan—who take “a great deal of pride” in their work. More than 89% of Americans feel this way, compared to lower proportions of people in the other three nations.

Figure 3.3 Percentage of People Who Take a Great Deal of Pride in Their Work


Source: Data from World Values Survey, 1993.

Closely related to the work ethic is the belief that if people work hard enough, they will be successful. Here again the U.S. culture is especially thought to promote the idea that people can pull themselves up by their “bootstraps” if they work hard enough. The World Values Survey asked whether success results from hard work or from luck and connections. Figure 3.4 “Percentage of People Who Think Hard Work Brings Success” presents the proportions of people in Japan, Mexico, Poland and the U.S. who most strongly thought that hard work brings success. The data shows the percentages of people in each country who responded with a “one” or “two” on a scale of 10 (“one” representing that they completely agreed that “In the long run, hard work usually brings a better life”). Once again, we see evidence of an important aspect of American culture, as 39% of U.S. residents were likely to think that hard work brings success. Given that the rate of Mexicans agreeing that hard work brings success is also 39%, it is clear that the U.S. is not the only country where this belief prevails.

Figure 3.4 Percentage of People Who Think Hard Work Brings Success


Source: Data from World Values Survey, 2017-2020. Data for Poland from World Values Survey, 2012.

If Americans and Mexicans believe hard work brings success, then they should be more likely than people in other nations to believe that hard work is a desirable quality in their children and they may be less apt to support taxation which redistributes money and other resources to the poor (assuming that the belief that people who are poor do not work hard enough is held consistently within a society). The World Values Survey demonstrates the correlation between the value of hard work and these factors, as demonstrated in the Figure 3.5: “Percentage of People Who See Hard Work as an Important Quality for Children” and Figure 3.6: “Government Taxation of the Rich to Subsidize the Poor is not an Important Characteristic of Democracy.” Figure 3.5 below shows the percentages of survey respondents who chose hard work as a desirable quality in children.

Figure 3.5 Percentage of People Who See Hard Work as an Important Quality for Children


Source: Data from World Values Survey, 2017-2020.

More than 66% of respondents in the U.S. felt that hard work is an important quality for children, while 38% of Mexicans chose this quality as important, in comparison to lower percentages in Poland and Japan. Similarly, Figure 3.6, “Taxation of the Rich to Subsidize the Poor is not an Important Characteristic of Democracy,” demonstrates how the value of hard work correlates with attitudes regarding income redistribution to support the poor in democratic nations. As would be expected, Mexicans and American were the most likely to agree that governmental support of low income individuals is not an important trait of democracy.

Figure 3.6 Taxation of the Rich to Subsidize the Poor is not an Important Characteristic of Democracyimage

Source: Data from World Values Survey, 2017-2020.

While we could discuss many other values, this detailed exploration of individualism and the work ethic demonstrates how values influence our attitudes. We turn next to a discussion of norms. As you read through this section keep this discussion of values in mind and consider how the values of hard work and individualism also underlie our behaviors in the U.S.


Cultures differ widely in their , or standards and expectations for behaving. We already saw that the nature of drunken behavior depends on society’s expectations of how people should behave when drunk. Norms of drunken behavior influence how we behave when we drink too much. Likewise, we’ve discussed the idea that a culture’s values shape its norms. For instance, we reviewed how the American value of hard work leads us to see this as an important quality for our children to possess. Given this, we find an emphasis placed on children’s involvement in extracurricular activities, expectations for good grades, completion of household chores and teenage labor force participation.

Think Like a Sociologist

During the 2020-21 COVID-19 pandemic, much controversy arose in the U.S. related to wearing masks. Public health officials promoted mask wearing as one measure to help limit the spread of the virus and protect vulnerable members of our society. While many people complied with mask policies, others protested, not seeing the virus as a serious threat and/or believing mask mandates and other restrictions were an infringement on their personal rights and freedom.

How does the controversy over mask wearing demonstrate the relationship between values, beliefs and norms?

Norms are often divided into two types, formal norms and informal norms. , also called (MOOR-ayz) and , refer to the standards of behavior considered the most important in any society. Examples in the United States include traffic laws, criminal codes, and, in a college context, student behavior codes addressing such things as cheating and hate speech. , also called and customs, refer to standards of behavior that are considered less important but still influence how we behave. Table manners are a common example of informal norms, as are such everyday behaviors as how we interact with a cashier and how we ride in an elevator.

Many norms differ dramatically from one culture to the next. Some of the best evidence for cultural variation in norms comes from the study of sexual behavior (Edgerton, 1976). Among the Pokot of East Africa, for example, women are expected to enjoy sex, while among the Gusii a few hundred miles away, women who enjoy sex are considered deviant. In Inis Beag, a small island off the coast of Ireland, sex is considered embarrassing and even disgusting; men feel that intercourse drains their strength, while women consider it a burden. Even nudity is considered terrible, and people on Inis Beag keep their clothes on while they bathe. The situation is quite different in Mangaia, a small island in the South Pacific. Here sex is considered very enjoyable, and it is the major subject of songs and stories.

While many societies frown on homosexuality, others accept it. Among the Azande of East Africa, for example, young warriors live with each other and are not allowed to marry. During this time, they often have sex with younger boys, and this homosexuality is approved by their culture. Among the Sambia of New Guinea, young males live separately from females and engage in homosexual behavior for at least a decade. It is felt that the boys would be less masculine if they continued to live with their mothers and that the semen of older males helps young boys become strong and fierce (Edgerton, 1976).


Although many societies disapprove of homosexuality, other societies accept it. This difference illustrates the importance of culture for people’s attitudes. Philippe Leroyer – Lesbian & Gay Pride – CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

Sometimes people within a culture describe their norms differently than how they practice them. Anthropologists call these differences in perception and . The average American would describe their culture as practicing monogamy in romantic relationships. From their perspective, the norm is to be in a relationship with only one person at a time. However, the likelihood of infidelity in this culture indicates that a significant percentage of Americans do not practice monogamy. The ideal norm in this example is monogamy because it is what people believe to be what is normal. In this culture, not being monogamous is considered deviant even though infidelity is still common. An anthropologist is trained to look at people’s behaviors in addition to what they say. The behaviors tell another story; a story about real culture.

Other evidence for cultural variation in norms comes from the study of how men and women are expected to behave in various societies. For example, foraging societies men tend to hunt and women tend to gather. Many observers attribute this gender difference to at least two biological differences between the sexes. First, men tend to be bigger and stronger than women and are thus better suited for hunting. Second, women become pregnant and bear children and are less able to hunt. Yet a different pattern emerges in some foraging societies. Among a group of Australian aborigines called the Tiwi and a tribal society in the Philippines called the Agta, both sexes hunt. After becoming pregnant, Agta women continue to hunt for most of their pregnancy and resume hunting after their child is born (Brettell & Sargent, 2009). There is also increasing evidence that foraging societies did less hunting than previously thought and more scavenging of meat and foraging of edible plants, eggs etc. thus challenging the assumed gender roles in food subsistence (O’Connell et. al., 2002).

Some of the most interesting norms that differ by culture govern how people stand apart when they talk with each other (Hall & Hall, 2007). In the United States, people who are not intimates usually stand about three to four feet apart when they talk. If someone stands more closely to us, especially if we are of northern European heritage, we feel uncomfortable. Yet people in other countries—especially Italy, France, Spain, and many of the nations of Latin America and the Middle East—would feel uncomfortable if they were standing three to four feet apart. To them, this distance is too great and indicates that the people talking dislike each other. If a U.S. native of British or Scandinavian heritage were talking with a member of one of these societies, they might well have trouble interacting, because at least one of them will be uncomfortable with the physical distance separating them.


The last element of culture is the artifacts, or material objects, that constitute a society’s material culture. In most preindustrial societies, artifacts are largely limited to a few tools, the huts people live in, and the clothing they wear. One of the most important inventions in the evolution of society was the wheel. Figure 3.7 “Primary Means of Moving Heavy Loads” shows that very few of the preindustrial societies in the SCCS use wheels to move heavy loads over land, while the majority use human power and about one-third use pack animals.

Figure 3.7 Primary Means of Moving Heavy Loads


Source: Data from Standard Cross-Cultural Sample.

Although the wheel was a great invention, artifacts are much more numerous and complex in industrial and post-industrial societies. Because of technological advances during the past two decades, many such societies today may be said to have a wireless culture, as smartphones, tablets and laptops now dominate so much of modern life. The artifacts associated with this culture were unknown a generation ago. Technological development created these artifacts and new language to describe them and the functions they perform. Today’s wireless artifacts in turn help reinforce our own commitment to wireless technology as a way of life, if only because children are now growing up with them, often even before they can read and write.

Photo of a cell phone

The iPhone is just one of the many notable cultural artifacts in society today. Technological developments created these artifacts and new language arose to describe them and their functions. Philip Brooks – iPhone – CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

Sometimes people in one society may find it difficult to understand the artifacts that are an important part of another society’s culture. If a member of a foraging society who had never seen a cell phone, or who had never even used batteries or electricity, were somehow to visit the United States, they would obviously have no idea of what a cell phone was or of its importance in almost everything we do these days. Conversely, if we were to visit that person’s society, we might not appreciate the importance of some of its artifacts. Examine the photo essay by James Mollison linked below, to further contemplate these issues.

Think Like a Sociologist

Take a moment to view photos of “Where Children Sleep.”


What are some of the artifacts that you observe in these photos?

How do artifacts differ from one society to another?

In this regard, consider once again India’s cows, discussed in the news article that began this chapter. As the article mentioned, people from India consider cows holy, and they let cows roam the streets of many cities. In a nation where hunger is so rampant, such cow worship is difficult to understand, at least to Americans, because a ready source of meat is being ignored.

Anthropologist Marvin Harris (1974) advanced a practical explanation for India’s cow worship. Millions of Indians are peasants who rely on their farms for their food and thus their existence. Oxen and water buffalo, not tractors, are the way they plow their fields. If their ox falls sick or dies, farmers may lose their farms. Because, as Harris observes, oxen are made by cows, it thus becomes essential to preserve cows at all costs. In India, cows also act as an essential source of fertilizer, to the tune of 700 million tons of manure annually, about half of which is used for fertilizer and the other half of which is used as fuel for cooking. Cow manure is also mixed with water and used as flooring material over dirt floors in some Indian households. For all of these reasons, cow worship is not so puzzling after all, because it helps preserve animals that are very important for India’s economy and other aspects of its way of life.

Photo of cow on the street

According to anthropologist Marvin Harris, cows are revered in India because they are such an important part of India’s agricultural economy. Francisco Martins – Cow in Mumbai – CC BY-NC 2.0.

If Indians exalt cows, many Jews and Muslims feel the opposite about pigs: they refuse to eat any product made from pigs and so obey an injunction from the Old Testament of the Bible and from the Quran. Harris thinks this injunction existed because pig farming in ancient times would have threatened the ecology of the Middle East. Sheep and cattle eat primarily grass, while pigs eat foods that people eat, such as nuts, fruits, and especially grains. In another problem, pigs do not provide milk and are much more difficult to herd than sheep or cattle. Next, pigs do not thrive well in the hot, dry climate in which the people of the Old Testament and Quran lived. Finally, sheep and cattle were a source of food back then because beyond their own meat they provided milk, cheese, and manure, and cattle were also used for plowing. In contrast, pigs would have provided only their own meat. Because sheep and cattle were more “versatile” in all of these ways, and because of the other problems pigs would have posed, it made sense for the eating of pork to be prohibited.

In contrast to Jews and Muslims, at least one society, the Maring of the mountains of New Guinea, is characterized by “pig love.” Here pigs are held in the highest regard. The Maring sleep next to pigs, give them names and talk to them, feed them table scraps, and once or twice every generation have a mass pig sacrifice that is intended to ensure the future health and welfare of Maring society. Harris explains their love of pigs by noting that their climate is ideally suited to raising pigs, which are an important source of meat for the Maring. Because too many pigs would overrun the Maring, their periodic pig sacrifices help keep the pig population to manageable levels. Pig love thus makes as much sense for the Maring as pig hatred did for people in the time of the Old Testament and the Quran.

Test Yourself

Cultural Change

Our examples show that while societies may share some beliefs, values and norms in common, societies also have divergent cultural attributes, making each society culturally unique. Cultural variation from one society to another reflects specific environmental conditions and historical experiences. Despite the fact that cultural variation exists, we do find patterns within cultural systems associated with forms of society. If you recall from our discussion in Chapter 1, six forms of society have existed over the span of human history, ranging from the earliest foraging societies to the post-industrial societies we see today, and we typically see trends in culture based upon the form of society. For instance, as we will see later in the textbook, post-industrial societies are generally ruled by democratically elected officials, thus democracy is valued and voting is normative. Conversely, the political systems within agrarian societies are often based on rule by monarchs or dictators who inherit or seize power, and the voice of the people goes unheard. In fact, in societies without a history or practice of democractic representation, average citizens are believed by leaders to be too ignorant or untrustworthy to be given a voice in political decision making.

When we transition from one form of society to another, the other parts of the social structure and culture also transform. This phenomenon is of particular interest to sociologists, sparking questions such as, how and why do society and culture change and what are the consequences of this change? In Chapter 1, we briefly touched on some of the theories which explain social change and address these questions, including the functionalists’ and the theory associated with the conflict perspective, which posits that social change results from revolutionary movements. Another well-known theory is that by William Ogburn, which looks to technology as the main driver of social change.

According to Ogburn, societies and their cultures change due to discoveries, inventions or the diffusion of one these across societal boundaries. As most of you may know, occur when something completely new is observed or found. A famous example of this is the discovery that microscopic pathogens, such as viruses and bacteria, can lead to disease. This discovery ultimately resulted in improved food safety, revolutionized healthcare, extended life expectancy and created a multitude of other cultural changes across the globe. are when something new is created from things that already exist, such as a smartphone. Smartphones combine computer software technology with telephone technology and they have dramatically shaped our cultural norms and societal boundaries. As recently as 20 years ago, it would have been viewed as deviant to not acknowledge people when walking down the sidewalk. Today this is the norm, at least in large urban areas. We often consider people who live in other countries as closer friends than those who live near us. Lastly, Ogburn argued that of inventions and discoveries from one society to another causes social change. When people migrate across societal boundary lines, they introduce aspects of culture to a new group of people thereby initiating changes within their new culture. Whatever the cause of social change, one potential outcome is , or behavioral norms that have not yet adapted to new technological innovations.

The important topics of abortion and birth control are examples of norms that have changed over time, and which help to demonstrate some of the concepts and trends outlined above associated with Ogburn’s theory. Despite the controversy surrounding abortion today, it has always been common practice in human cultures. For example, medieval theologians generally felt that abortion was acceptable if it occurred early in a pregnancy, however, in 1869, Pope Pius IX declared abortion to be murder and prohibited its use by Catholics. Similarly, in the United States, abortion was not illegal until 1828, when New York state banned it in order to protect women from unskilled abortionists, and most other states followed suit by the end of the century. However, the sheer number of unsafe, illegal abortions over the next several decades helped fuel a demand for repeal of abortion laws that in turn helped lead to the Roe v. Wade Supreme Court decision in 1973 that legalized abortion once again.

LIkewise, contraception was also practiced in ancient times, only to be opposed by early Christianity. Over the centuries, scientific discoveries on the nature of the reproductive process led to more effective means of contraception and to greater calls for its use, despite legal bans on the distribution of information about and use of contraception. In the early 1900s, Margaret Sanger, an American nurse, spearheaded the growing birth control movement and helped open a birth control clinic in Brooklyn in 1916. She and two other women were arrested within 10 days, and Sanger and one other defendant were sentenced to 30 days in jail. Efforts by Sanger and other activists helped to change views on contraception over time, and finally, in 1965, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Griswold v. Connecticut that contraception information could not be banned and that it was unconstitutional for the government to prohibit access to birth control by married couples. Seven years later, in 1972, in the Eisenstadt v. Baird case, the U.S. Supreme Court struck down state laws barring legal access to birth control by unmarried women. As this brief summary illustrates, norms about contraception changed dramatically during the last century in response to scientific discoveries and as society post-industrialized. This discussion also provides a good example of . Technological innovations typically are not immediately embraced as normal by a society; instead, sociologists see an adjustment period where people’s behaviors do not reflect the regular usage of the latest technologies, such as the birth control pill. The first human trials testing the birth control pill took place in 1954, and the birth control pill was approved by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration in 1957. However, as discussed above, state laws prohibiting access to the birth control pill weren’t struck down until 1965 and 1972, for married couples and single women, respectively.

Think Like a Sociologist

The Human Papilloma Virus (HPV) is the most common sexually transmitted infection in the U.S. Certain types of HPV can cause cervical cancer, which affects more than 500,000 women each year (World Health Organization, 2020). Fortunately, the first HPV vaccine became available in 2006 and is highly effective in preventing the spread of infection, greatly reducing the risk of cervical and other cancers. The World Health Organization recommends girls ages 9 – 14 receive the HPV vaccine prior to the onset of sexual activity (2020).

In the U.S., by 2018, only 51% of teens had been fully vaccinated with the HPV vaccine (American Academy of Pediatrics, 2019). This low rate of vaccination, in part, results from moral concerns expressed by individuals and organizations who advocate for sexual abstinence over vaccination. In addition, they argue that having the HPV vaccine will result in sexual promiscuity among teens.

How does this issue relate to cultural lag?

Cultural leveling is another pattern observed often related to social change, especially due to current globalization trends. As cultural diffusion occurs, resulting from immigration and/or regular communication and exchange of ideas across societal boundary lines, cultures that were previously distinct are becoming less so; this is known as . For instance, within the last few decades, fast food restaurants have become commonplace throughout the world. These businesses have introduced new foods and new behavioral norms such as the practice of eating independently instead of eating as a group. Cultures across the globe are becoming increasingly similar in many ways, with ideas moving constantly between societies.

Test Yourself


Exploring Our Social World: The Story of Us with Workbook Copyright © by Suzanne Latham, Jean Ramirez, Rudy Hernandez, and Alicia Juskewycz. All Rights Reserved.

Share This Book